UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 11 (1999)
Classifiers, demonstratives and classifier-to-demonstrative movement
BRIAN, HOK-SING,KUNIYA NASUKAWA, CHAN
This paper examines the feature composition of Cantonese determiner-like
elements in the light of current literature (Cheng 1998, Cheng and Sybes ma, to appear, Li 1998, 1999a, b). It is argued that
a combination of proposals in these works best captures the Cantonese facts. In
particular, I argue for three specific positions: Firstly, classifiers, rather
than demonstratives, are instantiations of D with a [referential] feature. Secondly,
classifiers encode a [count] feature. Third, demonstratives encode a [definite]
feature, but classifiers and numerals do not. What appears to be a bare
classifier phrase in Cantonese (i.e. without an overt numeral or demonstrative)
is actually bound by a Dem node, which may be empty (resulting in an indefinite
reading) or filled by the classifier which moves from the lower CL position.
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