UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 11 (1999)
A minimalist theory of A-movement and control
M. RITA MANZINI & ANNA ROUSSOU
In this article, we point out some problems in the theory of A-movement and
control within Principles and Parameters models, and specifically within the minimali st approach of Chomsky
(1995). In order to overcome these problems, we motivate a departure from the
standard transformational theory of A-movement. In particular, we argue that DPs are merged in the position where they surface, and from
there they attract a predicate. On this basis, control can simply be construed
as the special case in which the same DP attracts more than one predicate.
Arbitrary control reduces to the attraction of a predicate by an operator in C.
We show that the basic properties of control follow from an appropriate Scopal version of Chomsky's (1995) Last Resort
and MLC and from Kayne's (1984) Connectedness,
phrased as conditions on the attraction operation, or technically ATTRACT. Our
approach has considerable advantages in standard cases of A-movement as well,
deriving the distribution of reconstruction effects at LF and of blocking
effects on phonosyntactic rules at PF.
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